Pramila Jayapal, Democratic congresswoman: ‘We have to prepare in case Trump tries to steal the elections’

Representative Pramila Jayapal, 60, arrived in the United States at the age of 16 to study and, in 2017, after a career as a civil rights activist, became the first Asian American to represent Washington at the federal level. Today, she is one of the most influential lawmakers in the progressive wing of the Democratic Party on Capitol Hill.

Jayapal, who is one of President Donald Trump’s fiercest critics in Washington and his favorite target, will lead the House immigration subcommittee if Democrats regain control of the House of Representatives in the November midterms, as polls predict. From that position of power, she promises to have accountability for the deaths caused by Trump’s immigration enforcement authorities and to lay the groundwork for a lasting reform of a system made even more dysfunctional by the xenophobic policies of the current administration.

Beginning on August 21, Jayapal will lead a Democratic delegation on a trip to Montevideo to take part in the third Panamerican Congress, a gathering of progressive politicians from a continent shaken by Trump’s renewed imperialism. Previous editions were held in Bogotá, hosted by Gustavo Petro, and in Mexico, hosted by Claudia Sheinbaum.

This interview took place at the end of July in connection with that visit. The congresswoman welcomed EL PAÍS to her Capitol Hill office, surrounded by photographs with the Dalai Lama and Joe Biden, panoramic views of Seattle, the Washington State city she represents in Congress, and slogans calling for higher taxes on billionaires and universal healthcare.

Question. What do you expect from your visit to Uruguay?

Answer. It’s an opportunity to hear from our Latin American counterparts about what is happening on the ground: how U.S. foreign policy is affecting them and how we can work together to build a progressive movement and combat far-right disinformation. The United States is doing a lot of pain with our Donroe Doctrine [Trump’s revival of the idea that Latin America is Washington’s backyard].

Q. Do you see anything positive in the current administration’s foreign policy?

A. Trump believes in a unitary executive power both in the United States and in other countries, over which he aspires to exert control. He supports leaders over the will of the people. I believe our foreign policy should be based on partnership, exchange and mutual respect based on diplomacy.

Q. The president of the United States worries about foreign electoral interference in the U.S., but he openly interferes in elections across the Americas, from Colombia to Honduras. Without that influence… would Latin America be turning to the right?

A. Those countries are facing the same right-wing forces as elsewhere; that’s why the Panamerican Congress is so important. The same actors and the same playbook are at work everywhere.

Q. Will Trump succeed in undermining voters’ trust in the U.S. electoral system?

A. I don’t think so, but it won’t be easy. We have to prepare to prevent all the ways in which this administration might try to steal the November elections or secure a third term for Trump, which is unconstitutional. Benjamin Franklin was asked whether [the United States] was a monarchy or a republic and replied that it was a republic “if you can keep it.” We are in that “if you can keep it” stage.

Q. Are you optimistic about that task?

A. Optimistic is a big word for me. But I feel hopeful. It’s entirely possible that challenges we cannot imagine await us. I was in the Capitol on January 6 [2021, during the assault by a pro-Trump mob], and we did not see that coming.

Q. You traveled to Cuba in April this year and met with Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel. You also visited the island in 2024. What changes did you observe?

A. What struck me most was the humanitarian crisis on the ground. It was already bad in 2024, but in April it was horrific. Blackouts had begun when I was there two years ago, but they were not as prevalent. Medicines, basic goods and food are scarce. The streets were almost empty. And keep in mind we arrived just after a Russian tanker docked with a full tank of fuel. We were not even in the worst stage, which is now…

Q. Did you speak with opposition leaders?

A. Both times. On the first visit, I insisted we meet with families of some political prisoners. This time we met with dissidents who had spoken openly against the government. There are lots of opinions on how Cuba got to the place that it’s in. Some blame the response to the [2021] protests, while others accuse the government of enriching itself at the people’s expense. At the same time, I think everyone understands that the role of the United States in the embargo has been incredibly unhelpful. It has not worked and will not work to inflict collective punishment on the Cuban people to force change. That seemed to be the common denominator.

Q. And among those views… what is yours?

A. The U.S. government has gone about the crisis all wrong since the start of the embargo. We should have engaged in deep diplomacy so Cuba could reconnect with the rest of the world and changes would come naturally. We cannot dictate the fate of the Cuban people. We should enter into true negotiations — something that has not happened since the Obama administration. Biden did not build on that progress either.

Q. A recent State Department document on Cuba says that Castroism has infiltrated the Democratic Party…

A. First they attacked us, the progressives, and tried to turn that into a bad word. Then they called us socialists. Now we’re communists. It’s all part of a strategy, not just in the United States but across Latin America and the world.

Q. A group of House Democrats recently issued a statement proclaiming the party is capitalist, not communist. Is it worth having that discussion?

A. No. We are a capitalist country. You can like it or not. But buying into the same framework that our opponents are trying to use is not helpful. We should talk about policies. Do we deserve universal health care? All wealthy countries have it. Universal childcare, education for all… The United States used to be a leader on these things; unfortunately, we’ve lagged far behind.

Q. Do the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), including New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani, threaten the Democratic Party’s “big tent”?

A. No. The big tent cannot include everyone except the DSA. We must learn to work together even if we don’t agree on 100% of issues. We should recognize the progressive base — particularly young people, working people, Black and Latino communities. We cannot just be focused on a tiny group of primarily white suburban voters in certain states.

Q. Do you think Gaza will be a key issue in the upcoming elections?

A. Yes, because it’s not only about Gaza but about congressional funding and unconditional support for the Israeli government without forcing it to comply with our laws or international humanitarian law. That explains the horror we feel at seeing the genocide and how it happens thanks to U.S. inaction under both Democratic and Republican administrations.

Q. Is Israel dividing the Democratic Party?

A. I think it’s forcing a discussion we never had. When I arrived on Capitol Hill, it wasn’t even possible to raise the issue, and to talk, for example, about how much money entities like [the Zionist lobby group] AIPAC have poured in to silence criticism. There’s too much money in our elections.

Q. How do you prevent that excessive influence?

A. I have introduced an amendment called We the People, which would overturn Citizens United, the Supreme Court ruling that allowed corporations to be treated as people with free speech rights to get involved in politics…

Q. That idea of free speech for money could only exist in the United States…

A. It’s crazy. We should also pass the John Lewis Voting Rights Act, which allows elections to be publicly financed. When I ran for Congress, I was one of only four members who refused corporate money. Now we are maybe 60. That money influences how we address some of the most serious problems facing Americans.

Q. If Democrats regain the House of Representatives… what should be their first priority?

A. It’s an ongoing debate. First, we should immediately roll back some of the worst actions of this administration, try to ensure people have access to health care and food programs, and promote affordability. Second: accountability. We have to have accountability for deaths at the hands of ICE and Border Patrol and for corruption of corporations, the Trump administration and members of Congress. The third priority is to lay the groundwork for when we also control the Senate and reclaim the White House. Then we must pursue transformative change that allows us to get rid of the filibuster to pass electoral reform, remove money from politics and reform the Supreme Court. That groundwork has to be done in the next two years.

Q. Should the Democrats impeach Trump?

A. It’s always a possibility. We’ve done it twice before, and the Senate refused to convict in both hearings.

Q. You want to be the new chair of the immigration subcommittee and have focused heavily on the Trump administration’s treatment of children… That was a central issue in his first term, but it is not discussed as much during his second.

A. Family separation continues, and I would say this time it’s much worse. I’m not surprised because I read the Project 2025 document, and [National Security adviser] Stephen Miller made it clear there that they would not focus only on “the worst of the worst” but would do everything possible to end legal immigration as we know it. That’s what we’re seeing. For example, they have ended refugee resettlement — with the exception of white South Africans — ended asylum, curtailed processing of green card applications and cut TPS [temporary protected status]… They have weaponized the issue of immigration and weaponized immigrants by portraying them as criminals. It’s in their best interest to have a villain and turn people against each other to distract from real problems.

Q. How do you envision immigration reform?

A. We should open paths to citizenship and legalize undocumented immigrants who have been living in this country and complying with the rules we set. Caps should be raised in many categories that haven’t increased in more than 30 years. Ensure U.S. citizens can immediately naturalize their families. Order the visa program to regularly evaluate what our employment needs are and then provide the pathways for people to come in. And preserve asylum. Once we have a working immigration system, we must enforce the law — not only against people who break it or enter illegally, but also against employers who hire them and look the other way…

Q. Should Americans be concerned about soldiers’ testosterone levels?

A. No. It’s just another attempt by Pete Hegseth, “secretary of forever wars,” to address his insecurity about his own testosterone levels. It’s a medically dangerous proposal, but also another attempt to introduce a troubling culture into the military.

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