Mass releases of common prisoners: Daniel Ortega’s strategy that impacts Nicaragua’s security

Three months and eleven days after being pardoned by the regime of Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo, José Francisco Salgado arrived at the home of his 81-year-old aunt, María Torrez Salgado, to murder her. It was Saturday, January 27, 2024, at 6 a.m., when the convict, who had benefited from the “family coexistence” program, strangled the victim until she lost consciousness. To commit the crime, he tied a rope around her neck and tightened it completely. He then fled, stealing a television and a cell phone.

Salgado is one of the 53,164 common criminals released by the co-presidential regime in the last decade. In recent years, these releases have been tinged with Sandinista propaganda, which characterizes them as “gestures of peace and goodwill,” intended “for family unity.” “People have the right to opportunities,” said Interior Minister María Amelia Coronel Kinloch on November 1, when 1,000 convicts were released.

The common criminals set free raised their release certificates into the air in joy. They took photos and thanked co-presidents Ortega and Murillo. This group was not the only one, neither was it the first. So far in 2025, 8,400 common criminals have benefited from this “family coexistence” program. Among them are criminals of all kinds, from robbers to perpetrators of femicide who did not complete their sentences. The clearest case is that of Salgado, who had not even served half of his sentence for motorcycle theft when he was pardoned.

The pardoning of common criminals before they have served their full sentences has been criticized, primarily by feminist organizations, which argue that femicides in Nicaragua have increased since these releases. Meanwhile, the Fundación Sin Límites, a Nicaraguan think tank in exile, has been monitoring this government policy of releasing common criminals for years, specifically its impact on public safety and the political structure of the Sandinista regime. They warn of the high probability of recidivism among these pardoned convicts.

“Records indicate that 7.18% of these people reoffended, which shows that a significant proportion of those released do not fully reintegrate into society or abandon criminal behavior,” says an analysis by the foundation shared with EL PAÍS.

Aside from recidivism, surveys reveal a growing sense of insecurity among Nicaraguans, also linked to pardons for convicts. A recent opinion poll by the organization Hagamos Democracia revealed that 97% of Nicaraguans perceive an increase in crime.

According to prison system authorities, the social reintegration of inmates is promoted through educational programs, ranging from basic literacy to degree-level studies, in coordination with various universities across the country. They also highlight productive activities carried out in prisons, including carpentry, welding, baking, and the production of license plates. “However, the aforementioned recidivism rate underscores significant limitations in the system: the courses and tools offered may be of low quality, and individual needs or essential treatments related to mental health and addictions may not be adequately considered,” the exiled organization argues.

“Strategic function” of the regime

Fundación Sin Límites points out that these releases of common criminals “are heavily laden with symbols linked to Sandinismo, where public displays of gratitude toward the presidential couple and the government in general are frequently observed.” However, this practice may also be fulfilling “a broader strategic function in the political and social arena.”

“The release of thousands of common criminals, some of whom reoffend, creates a climate of insecurity that worries the public. Fearing robberies, assaults, or other crimes, public attention shifts to everyday security issues, relegating politically significant matters, such as the situation of prisoners of conscience or criticism of the authoritarian system, to the background,” the NGO continues. “In this sense, these measures not only impact the dynamics of citizen security but also contribute to shaping the common narrative, prioritizing immediate social concerns over structural political debate.”

In contrast, Ortega and Murillo have consolidated the judicial system as a political instrument that limits fundamental rights and represses opposition. “Arbitrary detentions, the criminalization of people considered to be in the opposition, and violations of the integrity of people deprived of their liberty reflect the absence of judicial independence and effective mechanisms for citizen protection,” concludes Fundación Sin Límites.

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