The excesses of the far right open an opportunity for the global left

The rise of nationalist right‑wing movements, backed by some of the world’s most powerful tech magnates, has plunged the world into a period of deep upheaval that is shaking the international, national and, through both channels, individual spheres. Their most extreme representatives are mounting an assault on the ideals of a multilateral, rules‑based world order, full democratic participation, social cohesion and universal human rights.

The assault is still unfolding, but its fury, noise and destructive consequences appear to be opening a window of opportunity to reverse the tide. That perception — and that hope — surfaced in the speeches and debates of progressive forces from around the world gathered in Barcelona on Friday and Saturday, and forms the basis of their attempt to resist and counterattack after a period marked by many setbacks.

Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez sought to highlight the cracks in contemporary right‑wing projects during his address to the plenary session of the Global Progressive Mobilization (MPG) forum, which brought together prominent leaders from many countries: “The far‑right international and its servile right wing are lacking in inspiring ideas. They make a lot of noise. But they aren’t shouting because they’re winning. They’re shouting because they know their time is running out,” Sánchez said.

“They know that their neoliberal orthodoxy — which, besides being inefficient, is cruel — died in 2008 with the great financial crisis and has been superseded by progressive policies,” the Spanish leader argued. “They know that their vision of the international order is being dismantled as a consequence of tariffs and illegal wars. They know that their surrender to climate change denial, xenophobia, and sexism has been their biggest mistake, one from which it will take them a long time to recover. People are realizing that they have no plan, that they have no solutions,” Sánchez maintained.

Cyril Ramaphosa, the president of South Africa — a prominent figure in the fight against apartheid and now the leader of a government firmly opposed to the administrations of Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu — summed up that sense of hope born from the excesses and missteps of the right, which anger and mobilize many: “This moment of grave crisis is, at the same time, a moment of unique opportunity. It is an opportunity to mobilize, to unite the forces of progressive change, to forge a new path of peace, democracy and social justice. This is a time we must not waste,” the South African leader said.

Sánchez and Ramaphosa were among the leaders who spoke at the MPG forum, alongside others, including Brazil’s president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. The three also took part in the fourth edition of a summit in defense of democracy, held on Saturday morning and attended by around 20 countries, most represented by their leaders — including Claudia Sheinbaum (Mexico) and Gustavo Petro (Colombia).

The sense of opportunity perceived by progressive forces rests on several recent political developments that reveal the far right’s decline and a renewed willingness to mobilize: Viktor Orbán’s defeat in Hungary; the failure of the referendum promoted by Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni; progressive gains in major French cities in the municipal elections — at levels not seen since 2008, as noted by Olivier Faure, first secretary of France’s Socialist Party; the strength of public outrage over the wars in Gaza and Iran; and Donald Trump’s notable decline in opinion polls.

This, however, does not allow progressives to indulge in unrestrained optimism. In Hungary — as in Poland — it was a conservative who managed to defeat the national‑populists. Elsewhere in Europe — such as Germany — social democrats are experiencing historically low levels of support. In Latin America, the far‑right surge remains persistent, and association with Trump does not yet appear to carry a political cost, whether due to self-interest or fear.

Against this backdrop, the Barcelona gathering sought to advance two goals: one rooted in political spirit, the other in policy design.

On the political front, Sánchez spoke of the desire to strengthen unity and restore pride within the progressive family. It is evident that this political space suffers from fragmentation and even friction. The meeting could not erase deep disagreements — such as the very different stances on Russia’s aggression in Ukraine between European social democrats and leaders like Lula and Ramaphosa, who take a far more cautious line toward Putin; or the vast distance separating many moderate European social democracies from Petro’s populist left. But the significant convergence of leaders and prominent representatives in Barcelona, along with notable messages of support, are politically meaningful signs.

In addition to the leaders already mentioned, the forum included Lars Klingbeil, Germany’s vice‑chancellor and finance minister and co‑leader of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD); Elly Schlein, secretary‑general of Italy’s Democratic Party; and Tim Walz, the U.S. vice‑presidential candidate alongside Kamala Harris. Messages were also sent by Hillary Clinton, Zohran Mamdani and Bernie Sanders. Economists Mariana Mazzucato and Gabriel Zucman spoke as well, along with many others representing different strands of the progressive landscape.

“The global right is organized across borders and continents. So we have to be too. The far right is international, and we must be as well. The future doesn’t belong to the loudest voices, but to those who build bridges,” Klingbeil said, regarding the need for unity.

In a hallway of the venue where the conference was held, Schlein underscored the idea that the far right “spent years stoking fear,” and that “now they are the ones who inspire fear,” a dynamic that undoubtedly has a mobilizing effect.

On the policy‑design front, the Barcelona meeting served as a major showcase of ideas.

On the subject of international order, Lula argued that “progressivism must defend a reformed multilateralism and democratize institutions such as the Security Council, the IMF, and the World Bank.” His position echoed what Sánchez had declared earlier that morning: “We believe in a rules-based international order. But the multilateral system needs to be renewed. The U.N. can only survive if it reflects reality. We need a more democratic, more representative U.N.”

In an important speech delivered days earlier at Tsinghua University in China, Spain’s prime minister expressed clearly his conviction that a multipolar reality has taken hold in the world, that such a reality requires a multilateral system of governance, and that for it to function, it must be adapted to better reflect current times. In that sense, Sánchez said, “the West must give up part of its representation quotas in favor of global stability and the trust of countries in the Global South.”

On the subject of democratic defense, Lula stressed that “the far right’s threat to democracy is not rhetorical; it represents a real risk. In Brazil, they attempted a coup. They present themselves as defenders of the people, but they govern for the elites […] elites who claim to defend meritocracy, but then pull up the ladder so no one else can climb.”

The Barcelona conference placed particular emphasis on the risks posed by major tech elites — oligarchs who own tools with enormous potential to manipulate minds and capture pieces of state sovereignty.

This was made especially clear by expert Francesca Bria during a morning panel: tech oligarchs do not simply seek unlimited enrichment, she warned, “they want political power; they manage parts of the state.” “It is not possible to build a democratic model on structures rented from tech oligarchs. We need public digital infrastructure that serves humanity,” Bria urged.

In this area, the progressive will to push forward with regulatory efforts emerged strongly. Naturally, there was also significant reflection on public action as a tool for achieving social justice in this new era. Among the wide flow of ideas, two stood out.

Mariana Mazzucato presented her proposals for addressing an extractive form of capitalism in which companies generate enormous profits that are funneled into stock buybacks and disproportionate bonuses, while investment often falters and wages come under intense pressure. Mazzucato denounced the dysfunction of this system — sky‑high profits, a weakened share of labor, and low investment — and outlined her idea of conditioning all public procurement, investment, and subsidies on companies meeting criteria that better recognize the value of labor and the importance of sustainable investment.

Gabriel Zucman, for his part, spoke forcefully about the painful reality of tax avoidance among the wealthiest and outlined his proposal for designing a tax on the assets of the most prosperous, given the difficulty of securing adequate taxation through income alone.

But the public sphere is fundamental in many other ways for the progressive project. France’s Olivier Faure referred to a study showing that, in his country, the distance from public‑transport networks is a factor that fuels the far‑right vote. It is not the physical distance from a city center that shapes voting behavior, he said, but whether one can remain connected to it efficiently through public transport — the difference between feeling included or excluded.

And it is the failure of progressives to oppose the neoliberal framework for far too many years that Lula highlighted as a crucial mistake and urged them to correct. “The neoliberal project promised prosperity and delivered inequality and insecurity. It triggered crisis after crisis. Even so, many among us embraced it. Left‑wing governments abandoned public policies in the name of governability. We became the system,” the Brazilian leader said.

The veteran politician, seasoned by countless battles, thus pointed the way forward for his political family: “Democracy is not a destination; it is a daily construction. It is not only about voting: it must translate into concrete improvements in people’s lives. We must replace discouragement with aspiration, hatred with hope. The global progressive mobilization has a fundamental mission: to recover the transformative capacity of progressivism and project a future of social justice, equality, and democracy.”

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