Drug boats carrying Colombian cocaine to the US use Pacific route more than the Caribbean one
It is unlikely that all the boats attacked by the United States belong to artisanal fishermen, says an official with the Colombian Navy
This past Wednesday’s military attacks against two alleged drug boats in the Pacific Ocean, near the Colombian coast, mark a new chapter in the United States’ maritime offensive in the region. Since September, the Donald Trump administration has ordered strikes against 10 vessels allegedly used for drug trafficking. These new operations showcase the U.S. presence along one of the most frequently used routes for exporting narcotics from South America to the north of the continent, much more so than the Caribbean Sea, where most of the attacks have occurred, according to a source from the Colombian Navy.
Trump has put the spotlight on these boats, which drug traffickers have used for years for their shipments across the Pacific. Internal reports from the Colombian Navy show that, so far this year, they have intercepted 15 vessels similar to those attacked by the United States: with one or two powerful engines, they manage to zigzag through waves before radars can detect them.
Others are semi-submersible and hand-built, with pipes that allow them to remain almost completely concealed underwater. These are not cheap vessels. “They have two or three engines, and each one costs between 50 million and 200 million pesos [$13,000 to $50,000], depending on their engine power,” explains the officer, who asked not to reveal his name for his own safety.
Furthermore, drug traffickers appear to be adopting new technologies. This year, Colombian authorities identified an unmanned vessel controlled by satellites and equipped with a Starlink antenna (the satellite system created by Elon Musk), which allows for signal reception in open waters. “They send signals to a program that acts as a rudder. It works like a drone,” explains the source. The first semi-submersible without people on board belonged, according to military intelligence, to the Gulf Clan, the largest illegal group in the country.
With that degree of sophistication and those costs, it’s highly unlikely that all the boats targeted by the United States belonged to artisanal fishermen, the officer explains. “A fisherman doesn’t fish 200 nautical miles away from shore, where international waters begin. To travel that distance takes two days, at full power, and fuel costs would make it unsustainable,” he points out.
Colombian President Gustavo Petro has said that a Colombian national died in at least one of the attacks. He was echoing information from RTVC, the public media network, which reported that the relatives of fisherman Alejandro Carranza believe he died in one of the attacks, despite the fact that they maintain he had no ties to drug trafficking. The report also indicated that the strike took place in Colombian waters. The United States has not confirmed the coordinates of any of its operations.
The attacks are increasingly coming close to Colombia, the world’s largest cocaine producer. Initially, Trump’s military campaign seemed to have Venezuela in its sights. It was, according to experts, a prelude to a possible land incursion to overthrow Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, or at least a way to force a change of government from within. But with each attack, the noose is tightening around vessels with ties to Colombia. In another attack, U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth said the vessel belonged to the Colombian ELN guerrilla group.
The accusations are not random: 62% of the vessels seized by the Colombian Navy in 2024 appear to have links to this group. The premise stems from the fact that authorities have recorded that drug traffickers mark blocks of cocaine, usually the size of a brick, with the logos of exclusive brands such as Mercedes-Benz, Rolls-Royce or Rolex.
With these signs, and information from the Attorney General’s Office and the Police, the Navy has identified shipments belonging to Gustavo Aníbal Giraldo, alias Pablo Arauca, the third-ranking ELN commander, who controls more than 2,000 men on the border with Venezuela, in the northeast of the country. Despite this, in response to Hegseth’s complaint, the ELN denied its links to drug trafficking. The U.S. government has also not presented evidence to support its accusations.
The greatest maritime drug trafficking activity occurs in the Pacific, where the geography favors illegal boats. Its esteros (wetlands near a river), mangroves and hidden water channels turn the coast into a labyrinth. “The esteros are difficult for Coast Guard vessels to access,” explains the naval source. The most heavily patrolled routes originate in Bahía Solano, Nuquí, and Punta Soldado in Chocó; El Naya in Valle del Cauca; and Gorgona Island in Cauca. From there, they connect to a marine corridor to Central America and Mexico, the most active route for maritime cocaine trafficking.
Some of these seizures attributed to the ELN originated in Ecuador, in Candelilla del Mar, a community bordering Tumaco (Nariño), the municipality with the largest coca leaf reserve in Colombia. Further north, in Buenaventura (Valle del Cauca) and in the department of Chocó, another group predominates. “In the municipalities of Bajo San Juan, Malaguita, and El Naya, FARC dissidents have significant influence. They usually transport cocaine from the Micay Canyon to export it through this side.” The Gulf Clan, for its part, maintains a route from Darién, on the border with Panama.
In contrast, the Navy has no records of major seizures in the Caribbean since 2006. “Drug trafficking used to leave through Santa Marta, Punta Gallinas, in La Guajira (on the border with Venezuela), or Turbo (Antioquia), but international controls have reduced their presence,” the same source notes. Nor does it help illegal trade that so many islands belong to several countries, with their respective navies constantly patrolling national waters. Even so, the United States strikes had prioritized the Caribbean route, which connects to Venezuela, for several weeks. The military campaign, at least on Wednesday, has been transformed.
Sign up for our weekly newsletter to get more English-language news coverage from EL PAÍS USA Edition