Alain Minc, former advisor to the Élysée Palace: ‘Macron is the worst president in the history of the Fifth Republic’ 

Only a few people have permanent access to the engine room of their countries. And some have called Alain Minc, 76, the “spirit of the system.” Few know as well as he does the workings of the French Fifth Republic: its leaders, its flaws, its virtues… and the limits of the state’s governmental apparatus.

Minc has a foot in business, politics, literature and art. He’s one of those people presidents turn to in order to decipher the music that plays in each era, so that they can understand it. And, right now, if one were to ask him about that sound, he might give the most disturbing answer: he doesn’t hear anything at all.

The Paris-born Minc was once Emmanel Macron’s advisor and fixer. But today, he loathes the head of state and what he represents for France. He no longer responds to his messages and considers him to be the worst president in the history of the Fifth Republic.

He delivered his thoughts on the current situation to EL PAÍS on Monday, October 13. He did so at noon, in his imposing office near the Champs-Élysées, which is dominated by a black-and-white photo of playwright Samuel Beckett.

Minc’s analysis is harsh, implacable and lucid. And he expresses an idea that, until a few weeks ago, seemed unthinkable from a man of the establishment: that the best thing is for Macron to go.

Question. Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu was re-appointed by President Macron just a few days ago. What’s your prognosis for his second administration?

Answer. We can say that it’s already outlived the first, which only lasted 14 hours [after key cabinet members were named]. But I don’t think it will get very far. The no-confidence motion will be decided by just a few votes, especially within the very divided Socialist bloc. Even if Lecornu survives, he won’t make it to the budget debate.

The situation is hopeless. The entire so-called “reasonable” political class seems to have agreed on one thing: how to accelerate the National Rally’s (RN) rise to power (the far-right party led by Marine Le Pen and Jordan Bardella). The RN doesn’t even need to move; everyone works for it. It’s unworthy [of governing the country]. And Macron is unworthy and the leaders of the major parties are either unworthy, or ridiculous.

Q. You say that Macron is “unworthy.” Why?

A. Because he has racked up senseless political mistakes. The dissolution of the [National] Assembly was madness. He should have [appointed a] leftist prime minister immediately after the [2024 legislative] elections, in order to demonstrate to the National Assembly that he had no parliamentary basis for governing. Instead, he took four months to appoint Michel Barnier, sabotaging everything from within. Then, he allowed François Bayrou to be imposed as prime minister. And, finally, he appointed Lecornu, one of his closest collaborators. He didn’t understand that, to survive, he had to cede power. But he’s incapable of doing so, because he thinks he’s better than everyone else. It’s a Shakespearean ending.

Q. You advised Macron at the beginning of his term. And now, you’re extremely critical of him.

A. I sincerely believe he is the worst president [in the history] of the Fifth Republic. [The Socialist] François Hollande, by comparison, was an honorable president. Macron, on the other hand, is the worst. And the worst thing is that I don’t know if the institutions will recover from this crisis. It’s an unimaginable situation.

Q. Is France becoming more and more like Italy?

A. More like the Italy of the past, not the Italy of the present. Today’s Italy has stable, unchallenged power. [In France], we live in [a state of] hyper-parliamentarism, without its culture. We don’t know how to negotiate, we don’t seek compromises. France lacks the subtlety of change. We don’t have the culture of political adaptation that Italy has always had.

Q. Do you no longer advise President Macron?

A. No. I’m not answering him anymore. But if I still had to give him advice, I would tell him to step down.

Q. Do you think that his resignation — as requested by Édouard Philippe, Macron’s former prime minister — would be beneficial for France?

A. Given the current state of non-governance, the only way to reactivate the institutions would be an early presidential election.

Q. If the second Lecornu government were to fall, what would Macron do?

A. He would have two options: dissolving the National Assembly and calling new legislative elections, or submitting his own resignation. He will choose dissolution. But this would be a tragedy for France. Macron could survive institutionally with a National Rally government, in a form of cohabitation. But the prospect of seeing the RN in power terrifies me.

Q. Do you think the RN will win the next elections?

A. It has a better chance in the legislative elections than in the presidential elections. But only on the condition that the moderates present a single joint candidate: in that case, [the moderate] would reach the second round and could win. If there were two moderate candidates [splitting the vote], we would run the risk of a runoff between [the left-wing] Mélenchon and Le Pen, or Mélenchon and Bardella.

Q. The French situation is increasingly worrying for Europe...

A. If the French crisis worsens, the entire European Union will be destabilized. And all of this could become irreversible, until the day we come under the tutelage of the European Central Bank (ECB) and the [European] Commission, as Spain and Italy were [at one point]. And then, we’ll be forced to make — under pressure — the reforms that we were unable to make on our own. It’s a possible scenario… and I would even say a desirable one.

Q. Desirable?

A. Yes. Because outside the government sphere, the country isn’t doing so badly. The savings rate is too high, but that’s a sign of wealth. We have the most solid banking system on the continent. Unemployment is falling and public services — despite complaints — are still functioning. The substance of the country is healthy. But we’ll only respect the economic rules when a financial crisis forces us to, as happened in Italy.

Q. Are you referring to the Mario Monti government (2011-2013)?

A. When we have to ask the ECB for a line of credit, it will demand something in exchange. It will be a return to the spirit of the Monti government, not that of [Mario] Draghi (2021-2022). Draghi governed in order to receive [a bailout]; Monti, to impose sacrifices [via a policy of austerity]. We hoped that a power like France could escape that fate, but I no longer believe it.

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