The change in the life of Edmundo González: From unknown diplomat to vortex of the Venezuelan crisis

The unexpected twists and turns of politics and life have placed Edmundo González Urrutia before a disproportionately complex and transcendent personal and political challenge. At the age of 74 he has gone from being an obscure, family-oriented diplomat focused on his academic routines, to finding himself at the center of a serious state crisis in Venezuela as he tries to assert an electoral victory that has unleashed the wrath of the Chavista government.

The government accuses him, along with opposition leader María Corina Machado, of being behind a plan to ignore the election results announced by the National Electoral Council (CNE), which declared President Nicolás Maduro the winner; he is furthermore being accused of unleashing violence in the streets with the aim of deposing the government. González Urrutia has been the target of fierce propaganda that portrays him as a dark character with ties to paramilitary and fascist elements of Latin America since the end of the 20th century; he is allegedly linked to extremist processes in Central America during his time as a diplomat.

The charges against González Urrutia have not been formalized in court, but they are about to be. The Attorney General’s Office has summoned him to provide sworn testimony on Monday for the alleged crimes of usurping state responsibilities, forging public documents, instigating disobedience of the law, computer crimes, criminal association and conspiracy. The president of Venezuela’s Supreme Court, Caryslia Rodríguez, announced that she has sent Attorney General Tarek William Saab “information of criminal interest” about González Urrutia and María Corina Machado, and added that the former had incurred in “contempt” before the highest court in the country.

The digitalized tally sheets from the presidential election, posted online by the opposition campaign team and reflecting more than 80% of the votes that were counted, confirm a victory for González Urrutia with 67% of the votes against 30% for Maduro. The process of collecting and publishing these documents on a website that nobody has been able to take down has been a blow to the Maduro administration on the communication front, reinforcing the idea of the opposition’s victory inside and outside Venezuela. All of this has angered the authorities, who are now bringing charges. The Chavista civil-military apparatus, a thousand-headed monster, has lost much of its hold on the population, but it seems to have preserved intact its power within the structures of the State.

González Urrutia was the only candidate who did not attend the “audit” of tally sheets organized by the Supreme Court at the request of the government, demanding instead that the National Electoral Council be the agency in charge of auditing the vote.

Amid threats of imprisonment and harsh words, Nicolás Maduro has called González Urrutia a “coward” and repeatedly criticized him at public rallies and on television. The Venezuelan president constantly asks why he “doesn’t show his face.” July 30 was the last time that González Urrutia was seen in public. He lives under security protection and has only published messages through his social media accounts. According to several sources close to him, the diplomat has dealt with the barrage of insults and threats “with great aplomb and serenity.” His whereabouts, his contacts and his strategy remain a complete mystery.

Testimony from someone very close to González Urrutia described the situation: “He is surrounded by his family. His team and contacts are at a distance, he does not meet with anyone personally. He is in touch with a very close circle of collaborators in politics, and of course, he is in permanent contact with María Corina Machado. He makes inquiries, he talks at length with some politicians that he trusts, years-long friends. We have talked a couple of times, but only when he has decided to. When we have spoken, I feel that he is strong. He is calm.”

“Of course he will not show up for these summons,” added another source who spoke on condition of anonymity. “To do so would be to acknowledge the legitimacy of these institutions, which are all controlled by the [state party] PSUV, in which there is no notion of justice.”

“In the face of this attack on our freedoms and our popular sovereignty, I call on Venezuelans to unite in their defense,” González Urrutia said at his most recent speech. “What is at stake is no small thing. I call on all organizations, even those that have not supported us in the elections, to unite and enforce the decision of the majority. I ask the nations of the world to remain firm in the defense of our democracy and to continue demanding transparency from the organs of the state.”

“I think they want to pressure him, to make him feel surrounded and force him to leave the country,” said a third person close to the candidate, also on condition of anonymity. “But it must be said that he is very active, talking a lot with the international community, looking for compromises and parameters to move forward.”

Venezuelans seem willing enough to respond to the peaceful calls to defend the electoral result made by María Corina Machado and Edmundo González Urrutia after the election, but a paralysis of fear is slowly taking hold. Arbitrary arrests and selective police harassment have had an effect, and many people are thinking twice about calling for a demonstration.

Although he acknowledges that the government’s assault seeks to put González Urrutia in the same situation as Juan Guaidó, for historian and political analyst Pedro Benítez “the circumstances” are somewhat different. “This time the opposition claims to have won an election and claims to have the evidence to prove it. It is not a conflict between Parliament and the Executive over a constitutional interpretation. Edmundo would have a problem if his victory had been recognized. Now the problem is Maduro, who does not want to accept it.”

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