The far right takes flight in Colombia under Abelardo de la Espriella

The global far right, which has achieved major milestones in recent years by seizing power in countries such as Argentina and Chile, is now watching closely the elections Colombia will hold on May 31. Abelardo de la Espriella, a lawyer making his political debut as an outsider, has emerged as the country’s extremist figure, invoking epic rhetoric to position himself as the ideal candidate to defeat the left. His campaign has focused on defending a “miracle homeland,” a country of traditional values with the economy and security at its core, where the left— or “communism,” as he calls it—and moderate parties play no leading role. His message has resonated in a society battered by violence, where many see the self-styled “Tiger” as a necessary change.

Although new to Colombia, it is the same script that the far right has been following in Europe and in other Latin American countries. “This type of political offer arises from a weakness in the more traditional parties, which are not providing answers to society’s problems,” explains Franco Delle Donne, author of the 2025 Epidemia ultra [Epidemic of the Far Right]. The left retains its electoral strength, but widespread criticism of President Gustavo Petro’s government over issues such as security, health care and the economy has generated stronger rejection than ever. At the same time, the space in the political center is increasingly narrow and lacks strong candidacies.

“When one tool doesn’t work, you have to use another one. That’s the idea that the radical right is selling us,” says the Argentine expert. That failing tool is the liberal system, which is suffering a crisis of confidence in the world’s leading democracies. “That is why alternatives to democratic rhetoric are now being offered. Like Nayib Bukele in El Salvador: human rights don’t matter as long as the violence problem is ‘solved.’ Leaders such as [José Antonio] Kast in Chile or [Javier] Milei in Argentina appear to endorse this plan. Abelardo is doing the same.”

De la Espriella was not the first to bring these ideas to Colombia, but he has been the most successful at appropriating them to catapult his candidacy, which—with more than 25% voter intention in polls—has broken the ceiling of his predecessors. He has achieved this with the support of ultraconservative parties such as Salvación Nacional and the Christian Colombia Justa Libres, as well as public figures whose rhetoric has been widely criticized, like Congressman Miguel Polo Polo for denying the paramilitary violence during the conflict with the guerrillas in Colombia. Informally aligned with him are other opinion leaders such as Senator María Fernanda Cabal (one of the most radical members of her party, the Democratic Center) and the broadcaster Vicky Dávila, who recently failed in her own political bid.

Beyond the discontent and distrust in democracy, another crucial factor benefiting the far right is the rise of social media. “Before this, if you didn’t appear in the media, you were nobody. Now, with social networks you can go very far. You no longer need the filter previously imposed by the big parties, and it’s easier to spread false information and do campaigning,” Delle Donne points out. De la Espriella has a vast social media presence, bolstered by a network of influencers who amplify his voice. His candidacy has eclipsed another even more radical contender: Santiago Botero, whose campaign openly promises to “break the system.”

The crossroads of the traditional right

De la Espriella arrives at a singular moment in Colombian politics. The country is about to conclude its first leftist administration in decades, four years after a heavy defeat for the traditional right. Petro beat Rodolfo Hernández in the runoff; Hernández was a local politician also labeled an outsider but not fully aligned with the right.

Since then, conservatism has tried to regroup. The traditional right has rallied around Paloma Valencia, a senator since 2014 and loyal lieutenant of former president Álvaro Uribe. Since leaving office in 2010, Uribe has been a kind of leading light for the right (and for politics in general): he helped get presidents elected in 2010 and 2018 and now is betting all his political capital on his candidate. But Valencia has not fully taken off: the most recent polls place her in third spot, behind Petro’s candidate, Iván Cepeda, and De la Espriella.

Camilo Rojas, a strategist for multiple right-wing campaigns, explains why this is happening: “Abelardo is the one most effectively waving the opposition flag: defeat the left and nothing else.” The Uribista candidate’s strategy was to appeal to undecided and moderate voters with a move that marked her campaign: she chose Juan Daniel Oviedo, a center-right politician who is openly gay, as her vice-presidential running mate. “With that choice, Valencia lost weight. De la Espriella has captured the more radical vote, which is crucial in the first round,” Rojas says.

This is not a scenario unique to Colombia. The traditional right has struggled to find a formula to stop the extremists who, in many cases, more eagerly stoke the anti-progressive rhetoric. In Argentina, Macri’s camp had to unite with Milei before he devoured their space; in Chile, the moderate right’s candidate was eclipsed by Kast. It is happening across much of the Western world: in the U.S., MAGA Trumpism has absorbed moderate Republicans, while Bolsonarism has become the Brazilian right’s most reliable option to compete with Lula. In several European countries, political forces tried to erect a barrier around far-right parties, but it has increasingly eroded.

Historian Germán Mejía Pavony says that despite the gains the far right has made in Colombia, it lacks “an ideology of great depth.” “I don’t see them caring much about concrete policy proposals as long as it’s clear they’re against Petro’s left, and they like to stir up the old fear of communism.” De la Espriella has focused his speeches on reclaiming patriotism and has borrowed ideas from other far right leaders: building mega-prisons, taking a hard line against criminals, and shrinking the state.

“Soon the ideological issue will have to be discussed, and then the most radical rhetoric will come to light: opposition to the cultural revolution, to gender equality, to diverse families, to same-sex marriage, to pluralism… These issues have been trickling out, but not fully. It is during a hypothetical De la Espriella government that those hard-won rights could begin to be rolled back,” adds Mejía Pavony.

The experts consulted by this newspaper predicted that even if De la Espriella does not make it to the runoff, as he is expected to do, the seed of the far right will remain implanted in Colombian society. The lawyer-turned-candidate has said that if he does not win, he will not return to politics. If he keeps his word, he could still open up a space for other new faces—those who throughout the campaign have championed anti-politics as a response to the country’s multiple crises. As is already evident in many other democracies, the far right is adept at channeling this discontent, which has gained strength in Colombia. And for the first time, it is betting all out to reach power.

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