The BBC is no exception: Far-right forces are targeting European public broadcasters

The far right has a long list of targets. Immigrants. Taxes. The left in general. Those who advocate solidarity or the values upon which an increasingly blurred international order rests. And public media corporations have now become a top target.

The goal of these far-right attacks is the same: to erode trust in a key pillar of information alongside the independent press, which is also under fire. Should they come to power, their promise is to strangle public media corporations — many of them highly prestigious globally — or to bring them under their control. The recent high-profile case involving Britain’s BBC and U.S. President Donald Trump, who accused the broadcaster of manipulating one of his speeches, is perhaps the most paradigmatic. But it is not the only one.

Also in the United Kingdom, Nigel Farage’s far-right party, Reform UK, has long targeted the BBC, which is historically renowned for its quality standards. And their ideological allies — from France’s National Rally to Germany’s AfD or Spain’s Vox — are doing the same with their national media conglomerates. It is a trend seasoned with increasingly harsh criticism, which has also spread to several traditional right-wing parties.

The greatest threat “comes from the East,” according to Luis Menéndez, head of the development committee of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ). “It’s a wind that brings not only cold, but also waves of disinformation, sinister gusts of espionage, bursts of hybrid-digital warfare, and gales against free journalism and democracy, creating fertile ground for far-right political conspiracy theories that target public media.” He adds: “There is no respite within the European Union. The threat persists in Poland, Slovakia, Malta, and, of course, Hungary,” where the usual interference by ultraconservative Prime Minister Viktor Orbán in public media has recently been compounded by the purchase of the country’s most widely read tabloid by a business group close to him.

As Paolo Cesarini, director of the European Digital Media Observatory (EDMO), points out, these far-right attacks have connections to those perpetrated in other Western democracies. This is particularly evident across the Atlantic, with Trump’s budget cuts on U.S. public television and radio, which have already led to the closure of the U.S. Public Broadcasting Corporation (CPB). Beyond the “extreme case of Hungary,” Cesarini believes the pressure on the editorial independence of public media in Europe is “high” in Italy — where the far-right Giorgia Meloni is in power — Poland, Romania, and parts of the Balkans.

The EDMO director sees “the layoffs, political interference, budget cuts, and attempts to centralize control or undermine the credibility of public service media as worrying.” According to Cesarini, this trend is being seen increasing in countries “that until now were classified as medium or low risk, such as Spain, France, and Germany.” Cesarini also laments that “democratic debate is increasingly threatened by AI-driven disinformation, hostile propaganda, and social media algorithms that amplify social divisions, prioritize sensationalism over factual accuracy, and foster cultural homogenization.”

Public media, Cesarini concludes, “remains one of the greatest safeguards against the concentration of private media power, but it is also vulnerable to populist rhetoric and political persecution by authoritarian governments.” His hope is that the effective implementation of the European Media Freedom Regulation will play a role in protecting the information ecosystem.

Numerous EU laws have, in recent decades, left little doubt about the importance of public media as a cornerstone of democracy. The Protocol annexed to the Treaty of Amsterdam established that “the system of public broadcasting in the Member States is directly related to the democratic, social and cultural needs of each society and to the need to preserve media pluralism.” And the more recent European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), which has been binding in the EU since last August, states: “Public service media providers play a particular role [...] by ensuring that citizens and businesses have access to a diverse content offering, including quality information.”

Despite the various lines of attack used by the far right, “public media is still among the most trusted,” says Renate Schroeder, director of the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ). “However, or perhaps as a consequence of this fact, far-right forces are leading campaigns across Europe to weaken or destroy it. They portray it as too left-leaning, diverse, inclusive, and expensive.” Schroeder points to the threats facing today’s media ecosystem — from competition with digital platforms to artificial intelligence — as reasons why healthy public media is needed to help fight “echo chambers, polarization, disinformation, and post-truth.” It is also important in “fighting populism,” adds Shroeder.

When it comes to fighting this battle, one of the recommendations most often repeated in various studies is strengthening independence from all forms of political interference, as well as securing stable, long-term funding. This was made clear by Thibaut Bruttin, director general of Reporters Without Borders, in the report his organization published last summer on the state of public media in the 27 EU countries, titled Pressure on Public Media: A Decisive Test for European Democracies. Among its findings, the study highlights that “for over half of the respondents (16 out of 29, or 55.17%), the pressure exerted was political in nature, such as interference in governance, or changes in general management.”

The annual report from the Center for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom in the EU (CMPF) also documents interference from governments and opposition groups. The analysis shows clearly that governance structures in public media across the EU, and their independence from political powers, vary significantly among member states: “Lower risk bands usually feature pluralistic boards, with members from a wide range of societal stakeholders.”

The CMPF’s director, Pier Luigi Parcu adds that public media, “when it is strong and independent,” is crucial in “helping to counter disinformation, fostering civic participation, and representing the voices of minorities.” Regarding the external attacks on the public media, he says they are “efforts to discredit its reputation and public trust in the impartiality of institutions.”

As Timothy Garton Ash, professor of European studies at Oxford University, proposed in a recent article in EL PAÍS, “countries that have a trusted public broadcaster, such as the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, Germany or the Scandinavian countries, must hold on to it with all their might, further protect its editorial independence, double its budget and increase its presence on social media.”

Attacks on the BBC

The BBC has always been a major source of concern for the ruling party, but in recent years the British right has decided to wage war on the public broadcaster. Conservative prime minister Boris Johnson put pressure on the broadcaster during his brief time at Downing Street. And Farage’s populist far-right party Reform UK promises to cripple the organization if it comes to power. Until recently, that possibility would have seemed unrealistic, but the latest voter intention polls place the party in first position.

The way both sides have pressured the BBC is by threatening to eliminate the annual license fee that funds it. Every citizen who uses terrestrial or cable broadcasting to enjoy television programming — not just to watch public channel content — must pay £174.50 (about $232) per year. Payments can be broken down monthly, and some vulnerable groups, such as pensioners, receive discounts or even free service.

In recent years, an increasing number of users have rebelled against the payment. It is estimated that between 2.4 and 3.6 million people, according to BBC figures, have stopped paying. Nonpayment is classified as a criminal offense and can result in a £1,000 fine (slightly over $1,330). Enforcement can take the form of warning letters or home visits, which the far right describes as coercive.

Farage has promised to end this funding system and turn the BBC into just another platform financed through subscriptions. He also wants to scale it down, so that the public broadcaster would stop offering entertainment programming and focus exclusively on news. But above all, the Reform UK leader wants much greater control over the editorial line of a public channel he accuses of being heavily left-leaning. He also has an ongoing vendetta against the BBC dating back to the Brexit referendum, over its coverage at the time of the negative consequences the U.K.’s exit from the EU was expected to bring.

Investigation commission in France

The French Parliament has just created an investigation commission to examine the public audiovisual sector. The initiative is driven by the Union des Droites pour la République (UDR), led by Éric Ciotti, a former leader of the traditional right and now an ally of the far-right Marine Le Pen. Officially, the commission will study the neutrality, functioning, and funding of France Télévisions and Radio France. It plans to hold hearings with executives, journalists, and regulators amid a growing debate over impartiality and the use of public funds in the audiovisual sector.

Clearly conservative in orientation, the commission has been criticized by progressive sectors and unions. The underlying concern is that the legislative initiative could turn into a public hunt against journalists at France Télévisions and Radio France. Both Le Pen and Ciotti advocate for its privatization, at least partially. The main reason cited? Its cost.

Alternative for Germany: “Slim down and de-ideologize”

Public broadcasting in Germany, founded after World War II, is independent of political power and has a well-earned reputation for journalistic excellence. However, it faces growing criticism for allegedly left-leaning coverage and high costs. As in other countries, these attacks come primarily from the far right, embodied by Alternative for Germany (AfD), the leading opposition party, which tops some polls. Yet — as is the case in many other countries — moderate right-wing parties also accuse the public broadcaster of bias.

These criticisms have sparked debate within national broadcasters such as ZDF, as well as ARD and its regional branches, and Deutschland Radio stations. All three are funded by the €18 ($21) monthly fee paid by every household, generating more than €8 billion ($9.3 billion) annually. Weeks ago, Der Spiegel asked on its cover whether “there is still hope” for them and emphasized that “increasingly, and not just from the right, they are seen as a mouthpiece for urban, progressive elites.” AfD proposes, if it comes to power, to completely restructure public broadcasting and eliminate the mandatory fee.

The far-right party argues that the mission of public channels should be “the free-of-charge provision of news, cultural, and regional programming.” In eastern Germany, where the far right is dominant, only 41% of citizens trust public service journalism, according to a survey conducted by the (public) WDR network.

Portugal: Invectives from the studios

In Portugal, the rise of the far-right party Chega is closely tied to the constant television appearances of its leader, André Ventura. However, Portuguese public broadcaster RTP was the only one to stay out of the excessive media spotlight given to Chega’s founder, André Ventura

Ventura now directs a media strategy that swings between victimhood and attack, with plans for RTP that remain unclear. Although his electoral platform advocates mixed funding (advertising and public funds) and the independence of the public broadcaster, Ventura’s volatility makes it hard to trust that this would be respected if the party comes to power. Confidence is not helped by Ventura’s difficulty handling scrutiny and criticism: just a few weeks ago, he walked out of a live interview on the private network CNN Portugal, irritated by the questions — and this is no longer just wishful thinking. Ventura’s difficulty in dealing with scrutiny and criticism also does little to inspire confidence: just a few weeks ago, he walked out of a live interview on the private network CNN Portugal because he was irritated by the questions.

A Putin supporter at the helm of Italy’s broadcaster

Italy is perhaps the best litmus test for what may be to come if far-right parties continue to win elections in Europe. Despite previously advocating a break with RAI before winning the elections, Giorgia Meloni has faced widespread criticism for political interference in public broadcasting. The opposition and RAI employees have denounced multiple attempts to turn the corporation into a mouthpiece for her ideological agenda.

In 2023, months after the far right came to power, Director General Carlo Fuortes resigned, citing political pressure to alter the editorial line. He was replaced by Roberto Sergio, close to Meloni’s party, Brothers of Italy. The current CEO, Giampaolo Rossi, who has been in office since 2024, has been heavily criticized for conspiratorial and far-right positions, as well as for defending leaders such as Russian President Vladimir Putin, Orbán and Trump.

In May of last year, RAI journalists staged a 24-hour strike in protest against the government’s “suffocating control” and denounced “the attempt to reduce public television to a mere governmental mouthpiece.” The protest was triggered by the cancellation of an anti-fascist monologue by writer Antonio Scurati, scheduled for April 25 — a symbolic day marking Italy’s liberation and the end of Nazi occupation and fascism.

While in opposition, Meloni was always highly critical of RAI and repeatedly denounced the public broadcaster’s alleged progressive bias. Now in government, the general feeling is that RAI’s independence is seriously compromised. Although some opposition figures have been appointed to RAI’s board of directors, most of its leaders are closely aligned with the far-right’s views.

With reporting by Rafa de Miguel (London), Marc Bassets (Berlin), Daniel Verdú (Paris), Tereixa Constenla (Lisbon) and Lorena Pacho (Rome).

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