Americans do not feel proud of their country 250 years after its founding

The United States celebrates its 250th birthday this 4th of July. To commemorate the event, President Donald Trump has planned a ‘HUGE’ political rally dedicated to himself. Yet, amidst the patriotic celebrations, the American public does not feel particularly proud of the country, according to three recent polls. A poll conducted by Gallup found that nearly eight out of ten Americans believe the nation’s founders, who signed the Declaration of Independence in 1776, would be disappointed with how the country has turned out.

This sentiment has also been reflected in other polls. One published by the Pew Research Center in May found that nearly two-thirds of Americans believe the nation’s best years are behind it. In light of data like this, an inevitable question arises: What does it mean to celebrate the Fourth of July in the United States?

Jack N. Rakove, professor emeritus of history, American studies and political science at Stanford University and a Pulitzer Prize winner in history, believes that the country is not merely undergoing a constitutional crisis, as many scholars have argued. “We’re in a situation where the Constitution itself has actually failed, where its essential institutions are not functioning very well, where they’re ignoring or not discharging their constitutional duties,” the expert said. This is the “great irony” of the situation in which the United States currently finds itself, according to Rakove.

It is precisely this perception that the polls reflect. The Gallup poll published in June found that 77% of Americans believe the Founding Fathers would be disappointed by the current state of the country, the highest figure ever recorded by the pollster and a significant increase from 71% in 2013 and 42% in 2001. Only 19% believe the founders would be satisfied with the direction the nation is taking.

Rakove says this perception does not surprise him. He believes the Founding Fathers would likely view the functioning of the institutions they designed nearly two and a half centuries ago with great concern. “Just focus on the Trump administration. Which is a situation that is, I think, from their point of view, so anomalous, so grotesque… so beyond any plausible expectation of how the constitutional system was going to operate. I think they would be staggered to confront the state of the American Republic today,” Rakove said.

This disillusionment transcends partisan divides, though the intensity varies. Republicans are more likely than Democrats to think the Founding Fathers would approve of the country’s current situation, but even among them, a clear majority believes the Founding Fathers would be disappointed with the state of the nation, according to polls.

Pessimism is not limited to the present but also extends to the country’s future. A Pew Research Center survey, published in May, found that 59% of Americans believe the country’s best days are behind it. That perception is more pronounced among Democrats, 64% of whom share that view, compared with 53% of Republicans.

This disillusionment is also reflected when respondents are asked about the long term. 44% of Americans say they feel pessimistic about what the country will be like in 50 years. In contrast, 28% say they are optimistic, and 27% say they feel neither optimistic nor pessimistic. Among Democrats, 50% are pessimistic about the country’s future, and only 25% are optimistic. Among Republicans, pessimism also outweighs optimism: 39% say they are pessimistic, compared with 33% who say they are optimistic.

The fact that pessimism cuts across both Democrats and Republicans is particularly striking at a time of deep political polarization. According to Rakove, the Founding Fathers themselves devoted much of their efforts to understanding this phenomenon. In particular, he notes that James Madison wrote extensively about the “sources of faction,” that is, the interests and passions that could divide society and jeopardize the republic.

Although partisan identity is one such source of division today, Rakove argues that economics is a “single factor that’s year in and year out likely to have a permanent effect” on American politics. This assessment comes at a time when socioeconomic inequality and the cost of living have taken on increasing importance in the political debate. In recent weeks, four candidates affiliated with the Democratic Socialists of America defeated moderate rivals in Democratic Party primaries in New York and Colorado, reflecting the growing prominence of campaigns focused on economic issues.

Americans’ concerns, however, extend deeper than the economy. A poll by Marist, PBS and NPR released this month found that 82% of Americans believe there is a serious threat to the future of American democracy. This concern cuts across the political spectrum: 91% of Republicans share this view, as do 83% of independents and 74% of Democrats.

A democratic republic depends on deliberation and mutual respect among those who disagree, according to Rakove. In his view, that political culture has weakened considerably. “Republicanism requires deliberation, and deliberation requires having respect for the people you’re debating with, disputing, arguing with, trying to make alliances with and so on,” he said. “Trump, single-handedly, because his manners are so offensive, has contributed to a real deterioration.”

Democratic deterioration also appears to be reflected in the growing acceptance of political violence. The Marist, PBS and NPR poll found that 37% of Americans believe it might be necessary to resort to violence to “get the nation back on track,” compared to 30% who held that view last year. Support for possible political violence is relatively similar across party lines.

Looking ahead, Rakove believes that the United States must reclaim “notions of mutual respect and [a shared] common vision of democratic polity” if it is to overcome the current crisis. “How we come out of it in the years to come, whether we will come out, and if so, how will we do that? To me, those are the most urgent questions in American politics,” Rakove said.

On the eve of the 250th anniversary of independence, Rakove admits that, like many other Americans, he struggles to find reasons to celebrate. “If I say I think the constitutional system is failing, I’m saying that in fact, we have nothing here to celebrate or commemorate.”

Sign up for our weekly newsletter to get more English-language news coverage from EL PAÍS USA Edition