Sinaloa governor, subject of US investigation, stands alone under allegations of cartel ties

The political crisis in the Mexican state of Sinaloa has begun to shift the landscape within the ruling party, Morena. The accusations made by U.S. authorities against Rubén Rocha Moya, the governor of Sinaloa who has been granted a temporary leave of absence, and nine current and former officials in his inner circle, allegedly linked to the Sinaloa Cartel, have set off alarm bells within the ruling party and prompted a quiet but profound shift in its political strategy. The directive is no longer to close ranks, but rather to stand firm in defense of sovereignty as a rhetorical device to navigate the controversy that has damaged the credibility of the ruling party and its moral message of not lying, not stealing, and not betraying, a message inherited from Andrés Manuel López Obrador.

At the center of the storm are several key figures. Senator Enrique Inzunza, former secretary of government and a close confidant of Rocha Moya; former secretary of security Gerardo Mérida; and former secretary of finance Enrique Díaz, the latter two currently in U.S. custody. Adding to the intrigue is the freezing of Rocha’s accounts and those of the other individuals allegedly implicated in the indictment filed by New York prosecutors. The Financial Intelligence Unit of the Ministry of Finance carried out the operation, which was confirmed this Monday by President Claudia Sheinbaum, who clarified that it was a preventative measure. These events have proven a catalyst, increasing the pressure on the Morena leadership. Within Morena circles, there is private admission that the case has become a threat to Sheinbaum’s project and to the party itself.

The fear lies not only in the media fallout, but also in the possibility that the Sinaloa case will become an international narrative about alleged links between the ruling party and organized crime. This comes just as the Sheinbaum administration is trying to build political stability and legitimacy in the eyes of Washington. Added to this, Morena faces the 2027 elections, in which hundreds of positions will be up for grabs, including the governorship of Sinaloa. The crisis has, for now, left the party without one of its candidates in the state, Senator Inzunza, who has seen the door to the nomination closed to him.

The discourse has shifted in recent days. Where there was once a defensive tone, arguing that there was no evidence, a more calculated stance now prevails. “We will respect the outcome of the Attorney General’s investigation [against Rocha Moya] and act accordingly without covering for anyone,” said Morena leader Ariadna Montiel on Monday when questioned about the decision to freeze the accounts of the governor on leave.

The message conveyed at various levels within Morena and the federal government, according to sources consulted by this newspaper, is: do not defend anyone personally, avoid direct confrontations with the United States, and focus the discourse on three main points: the defense of sovereignty, rejection of interventionism, and the demand that “whoever needs to be investigated” be investigated.

The change can even be detected in Sheinbaum’s tone. On Monday the president avoided mentioning Rocha Moya at all costs, even when confirming that his bank accounts had been frozen. A statement from the Finance Ministry also omitted him and referred to the accused as “politically exposed persons from Sinaloa.”

The president has sought to downplay the idea that the case politically compromises Morena. However, those within the ruling party know that the problem won’t disappear with mere rhetoric. Revelations about the arrest or extradition of former Sinaloa officials in the U.S. have tightened the net around the governor. Morena’s main concern is that the U.S. investigations will extend to more active political figures and trigger a domino effect on other regional leaders.

In this context, Rocha Moya is beginning to run out of political room to maneuver. Federal legislators have been advised not to engage in debates about the Sinaloa governor’s innocence or guilt. Within the party, there is a growing perception that the governor could end up isolated from Morena if pressure from Washington escalates.

This retreat, however, does not signify an open break. Morena is trying to walk a fine line. On the one hand, it seeks to avoid any appearance of cover-up; on the other, it also does not want to unconditionally validate the investigations by the Donald Trump administration or fuel the narrative of subservience to Washington. Hence the emphasis on defending sovereignty and non-intervention.

On another front, Morena is desperately trying to shift the political spotlight to Chihuahua. First, with an offensive to push for impeachment proceedings against National Action Party (PAN) Governor Maru Campos over the case of the two CIA agents killed in an operation in which they allegedly participated irregularly. And now, with a barrage of accusations against the state government for the alleged misuse of public funds to block roads and plant PAN propaganda on government buildings. All of this is happening against the backdrop of the march against the governor led over the weekend by Montiel and Andrés Manuel López Beltrán.

Within the party, the idea has taken hold that the priority is surviving the crisis with minimal collateral damage. As the legal and political net tightens around Rocha Moya’s group, Morena is beginning to explore an emergency solution: allowing the investigations to run their course and accepting the results, whatever they may be, thus reducing costs for the federal government and preventing the Sinaloa case from dominating the political and electoral landscape. The goal is to prevent the perception that organized crime has infiltrated the heart of Morena from taking hold.

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