Tirana Hassan: ‘Sexual violence is so prevalent in Darién that women crossing the border carry the morning-after pill’

Migrants are continuing to cross the Darién Gap — the inhospitable jungle that marks the border between Colombia and Panama — despite it being one of the most dangerous routes in the world. More than half a million people — fleeing desperate situations in several Latin American countries — made the crossing last year in their journey north, with most heading towards the United States.

“The Darién crossing is the place of impossible choices,” Tirana Hassan, the first woman to be the executive director of Human Rights Watch (HRW), summed up last week after visiting the Colombian towns of Turbo and Necoclí to document the large-scale humanitarian crisis. The Darién is where Latin America’s poor migration policies converge, forcing migrants to cross the jungle, says the Singapore-born lawyer on her way through Bogotá, where she met with several officials from Gustavo Petro’s government.

Question. What was found on the border between Colombia and Panama?

Answer. I was most struck by how the situation of the families who are leaving to cross the Darién is one of impossible choices. They are fleeing situations where they had no hope and to the point that they were about to take one of the most dangerous journeys in the world. We met a family which is a perfect illustration of why the Darién crossing is so desperate and requires international attention. It was a Venezuelan family. They had arrived a few days ago with their seven-year-old, their three-year-old and their one-year-old baby, who actually just turned one yesterday [Wednesday].

They were living on the beach in Necoclí. They didn’t have a tent and were sleeping outside. They had lived in Colombia for several years. They were working, their children went to school, they had a home and they sold everything to go back to Venezuela to vote in the elections. When the Maduro government announced the results, they took to the streets like thousands of other Venezuelans. But it was in the days afterwards that they watched their friends and their members of their family being arrested. They saw the colectivos coming into their neighborhoods and knocking on doors, looking for people who had been participating in the rally.

With the little money they had, they paid for the bus to Urabá. The Darién crossing is the place of impossible choices. Nobody that we met wanted to be there. They were all seeking a life where they could enjoy their rights, where their children would have the opportunity to go to school, where they would be able to express their opinions freely.

Q. Did you see any humanitarian relief efforts?

A. The humanitarian response in Necoclí and Turbo is minimal and not coordinated. We documented and heard stories of children who have crossed the Darién and been separated from their parents. I’ve worked in this humanitarian world and in population movements for nearly 20 years. And I have never seen what I saw with women crossing the Darién gap. Sexual violence is so prevalent and the reality that it may happen to women leads them to actually carry the morning after pill with them as they begin the crossing. We need to ensure that the government of Colombia and the government of Panama are responding to cases of sexual violence. There must be a more robust engagement from the government to address organized crime: the Gulf Clan is essentially running these towns.

Q. Why is the Darién the point where poor migration policies in Latin America meet?

A. This is not just a problem for Colombia or Panama. The Darién is one part of the journey. But what we have seen through years of research — with interviewing migrants and asylum seekers who are making the crossing — is many of them have actually left other countries in the region. Especially Venezuelans, but even Haitians, where they had been living in Brazil. And they make the crossing because they were not able to integrate into those societies because governments across the region have not had adequate policies that allow migrants and asylum seekers to be able to register, to be able to access basic services such as healthcare, the right to work or education for their children. In some cases, you’re required to have a passport or an identification document. And the reality is if you are coming from Venezuela, it is highly unlikely that you are able to obtain a passport.

Q. Is a transition to democracy possible in Venezuela after the July 28 elections?

A. All indications thus far are that Maduro is trying to consolidate power and trying to increase repression so that he can stay in power. Human Rights Watch supports the mediation efforts, but this new wave of repression builds on ten years of widespread and systematic human rights abuses which have swept Venezuela since Maduro came into power. So there has to be accountability for the crimes that have been committed, not only in the past, but in recent weeks. Impunity is not an option.

Q. Do you fear a new wave of migration in the face of the repression of post-election protests?

A. We spoke to families who had just come from Venezuela. They told us that the level of repression, particularly for those who participated in the protests after the elections, was so high that they felt that they had no choice but to leave, and they told us that they knew many others who were in the same boat. Some are likely to wait until January, when there is meant to be the change of government. But right now, we have seen an increase in Venezuelans going to Brazil, so there are some indications that Venezuelans are leaving in this new wave of repression. I think it is wise for governments in the region, and particularly the Colombian government and the Panamanian government, to increase cooperation and begin to potentially prepare for a new wave of people who will be fleeing Venezuela.

Q. Is the Venezuelan exodus receiving the international attention it deserves?

A. The situation in Venezuela should be at the top of the international community’s agenda. We are calling on not just governments in the region but the international community to use all the tools in their toolkit to hold Maduro to account, to call on the government to release the ballot papers so that the results of the election can be independently verified. Venezuela’s allies can play a key role in this.

Q. What should Colombian President Gustavo Petro do to help achieve a peaceful solution to the crisis in neighboring Venezuela?

A. Human Rights Watch supports the mediation efforts to try and find a resolution to this crisis, but we do have concerns at the idea of repeating the election when we know that nothing has changed inside Venezuela that could result in a free and fair election. The situation inside Venezuela is exactly the same –or even worse–, so there is no point rerunning an election.

Q. How has the migration dynamic changed since José Raúl Mulino — who is proposing to “close” the Daríen Gap — took office in Panama?

A. We have heard the threats of closing the Darién Gap, but the reality is thousands of people continued across. What is required from the government of Panama is to work with countries within the region to find solutions to ensure that they create safe and legal routes for migrants and asylum seekers to pass through.

Q. Panama has started deportation flights of people who crossed the Darién, financed by the United States. It has deported people with criminal records, but the authorities have said that the agreement with Washington allows the deportation of all people who enter Panama illegally. What is the profile of the migrants they have encountered?

A. On every single boat that I saw boarding in the last two days, the majority were families or women traveling with children. These were people who were seeking safety and a rights respecting life somewhere else. These were not criminals, and it just shows how flawed the U.S.-Panama agreement is. Human Rights Watch is very concerned that this agreement has the potential to result in refoulement, essentially sending individuals back to countries where they may face harm. And that’s a serious violation of international standards.

Q. Does the United States intend to put barriers to migration further and further from its southern border?

A. This pattern that we see from the United States to essentially outsource their international protection responsibilities is not serious. Putting the burden on countries that don’t have the resources to be able to process asylum cases is simply compounding the problem.

Q. Is the main recommendation to implement a temporary protection regime throughout the region that grants all Venezuelans and Haitians legal status?

A. One of our recommendations is to ensure temporary protection status for Venezuelans and Haitians, where we know that the situation in their countries of origin is so difficult that it is unsafe for many to return. We have seen the success of temporary protection status in Colombia, and we have seen Brazil also take steps in the past, which we would encourage other countries in the region to replicate.

Q. What should Latin American societies do to create a welcoming migration narrative that counters xenophobic discourse?

A. Latin American leaders should be putting forward coordinated policies that are rights respecting. And by that, what we mean is that we acknowledge that people have a right to move and cross borders. We acknowledge that people are fleeing difficult, dangerous situations and they should be afforded protection or their cases should be assessed. Leaders around the region should not be scapegoating migrants and asylum seekers for other problems in their countries.

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