A new demographic gets flattened
More and more middle-class Spaniards are turning to family and charity in the face of loss
The workers at Cáritas, the Catholic charity, have known it for a long time: the crisis is not just hitting more people, but also individuals who until recently would never have been considered at risk to begin with.
"Between 2005 and 2007 we assisted 182,000 people in Madrid. Between 2008 and 2010 we helped 322,650, nearly twice as many," says Javier Hernando, coordinator general of Cáritas Madrid. And the difference is not just quantitative. "Besides the increase, the difference is that there has been a rise in Spanish families who are going from a stable economic situation to one of vulnerability and social exclusion."
The Madrid department of social affairs has reached a similar conclusion: "The average aid recipient has changed. Many are unemployed Spaniards, people who could never imagine themselves in this situation."
Other support groups confirm the trend. The volunteers at Sant Egidio, another Catholic charity, have doubled the volume of food handouts. A charitable organization for the homeless called Solidarios para el Desarrollo warns that even though there has not been an increase in the number of people living on the streets, they (around 2,000) now have to compete for food and clothes with a new group of aid recipients from the middle class.
Daily life has changed a lot for Álvaro in recent times. A lean 52-year-old with a bony face and a beard, Álvaro these days spends most of his time alone, listening to the radio on his headphones. Until a couple of years ago, he owned several auto body-repair shops and a few food and drink bars as well. But the speed at which his personal finances (and his life) have changed is nothing short of brutal. After making over 10,000 euros a month, he now earns under 600: 370 euros from a state check for people without a minimal income (known as Renta Mínima de Inserción, or RMI) plus 200 euros for renting out a garage space that he managed to hold on to after losing everything else. In the Madrid region, the number of RMI recipients has grown over 80 percent this year from the last, to reach 15,519.
Álvaro stubbornly tried to keep his businesses afloat during the crisis, and this made a large dent in his savings. Whatever was left he spent over the last year. He no longer pays the 2,400-euro alimony he owes his ex-wife to support their three children. He had to move out of his rental apartment (750 euros a month) and slept for three months in a van from one of his former auto repair shops. For a week now, he's been renting a room for 250 euros a month in an apartment he shares with an Ecuadorean couple with a baby and two young people from Bangladesh who work at night and sleep by day. His small room has a closet that doubles as a pantry, and contains eggs, beans, sugar and a shower sponge. He also keeps an old guidebook to cigars, a memento of times past.
His friends and relatives are unaware of his current situation. That is why he would rather not give out his surname, so nobody will recognize him, especially his children, who are still young and whom he sees every Sunday. "They don't know and I don't want them to know. People are very mean," he says.
"Mine is a problem of purchasing power," he explains pragmatically, with no touch of drama in his voice. "Even if my destiny is to live in bad conditions from now on, nobody can take away the good years I've had. It's hard, but human beings can get used to everything," he says.
Álvaro has adapted his routine to the new times. He eats at soup kitchens and wears clothes he gets at charities. He does not have the fare for public transportation, so he spends hours walking across Madrid. Although he lives in the area of Plaza del Carmen, he has breakfast at a soup kitchen run by nuns near Alonso Martínez (3.2 kilometers and a 41-minute walk away, according to Google Maps). From there he walks to the library at the Buenavista cultural center (2.4 kilometers and a 31-minute walk away), where he has 45 minutes to surf the internet for free and look up job offers "to work in any capacity."
He then has lunch at the San Francisco soup kitchen in Guzmán el Bueno (4.8 kilometers and an hour away on foot), and from there to the public library in Iglesia (2.2 kilometers and 28 minutes away), where he has another hour of free internet access. Dinner is at Santa Pontificia, in Malasaña (1.7 kilometers and 20 minutes away), and after that he likes to hang out at the Fnac store in Callao (0.5 kilometers and seven minutes away), reading a book until closing time (he likes Sidney Sheldon, Almudena de Arteaga and Arturo Pérez Reverte). It takes him an hour (4.7 kilometers) to get home.
Álvaro's is not an isolated case. "When we ask people why they're here, three out of four mention unemployment as the main motive. Nearly 60 percent have problems buying food, 41 percent paying rent, and 40 percent paying for utilities like water, gas or electricity," says a Cáritas spokesperson. The Catholic charity has approved an emergency plan that will remain in place until early 2012 and supply a little extra income for 2,000 families in need.
Laura Sacristán, a 56-year-old volunteer at Cáritas who has been working for 15 years at the parish of Our Lady of Piety, in Vallecas, has borne witness to the changes: "It used to be that we almost never got any Spaniards, and now there are more and more," she says. "We hadn't given food out for ages, but two years ago we brought this service back because people need it. We don't have enough for everyone, so we send them to a soup kitchen run by Siervas de Jesús. Spaniards feel embarrassed to go. And parents with children, who are not allowed inside, get the food in tupperware boxes."
"I need kids' clothes in sizes four years and six years," begs María. An unemployed mother of two, she represents one of the most vulnerable groups in the crisis: single-parent homes. Requests for children's clothes and Christmas toys are the main concern at the website www.acabaconlacrisis.es, where there are nearly 700 messages from people requesting children's things and people willing to give them away.
Gabriel had a big problem. A 35-year-old computer expert, his company recently informed him that all activity was being suspended until February, as there were no clients. He could not collect unemployment. He could no longer pay the rent on his room. He couldn't even "buy macaroni." So he turned to charity. Then, tired of the waits, he moved back in with his parents in the northern region of La Rioja: "I couldn't come up with a new system for eating every day."
Something similar happened to Luis, who used up all his savings while he looked for work. In the end, he could no longer pay the rent, so he borrowed some money for a train ticket back home to his family in Seville.
The Madrid Housing Institute (Ivima), which owns 23,000 housing units that are home to around 100,000 people, was forced to reduce the rent for 5,200 families who simply could not pay. The amounts are under 50 euros a month. "We have noticed an increase in especially needy cases; we are seeing lots of families who until recently enjoyed favorable living conditions and are now forced to turn to us," says Juan Van-Halen, the manager of Ivima. Defaults among his tenants have risen from between five and seven percent to 10 percent in the last two years. Every year, Ivima conducts between 150 and 200 evictions (a third for payment defaults, the rest to get rid of squatters).
On November 18, several networks broadcast the dramatic eviction of a large family from Manoteras: Azucena Paredes, 29, her partner, their three children ages one through four, her mother, 52, and her grandmother, 87. That same day, while the police climbed the stairs to throw them out of an apartment owned by the Municipal Housing Corporation (to which the family owed years of back rent), a group of neighbors kicked down another door in a nearby apartment that they say has been sitting empty for years. Since then, the Paredes have been living in this new dwelling, which has one room fewer than their old home. Azucena and her children now share a room with her mother (her partner, unemployed like herself, has moved back in with his parents). The second room is for the grandmother.
In these last two weeks, the family has barely gotten used to the change. Suitcases and clothes pile up in the living room. They have water and electricity, and use electric heaters to keep warm. Azucena, who makes 390 euros from welfare ("it expires next month and I'll have to apply for RMI," she says) does not get any other help. Her mother, who is temporarily on leave, makes around 500 euros a month. Her grandmother has a 600-euro pension with which she helps another grandson of hers. Azucena is embarrassed to go to Cáritas and she is afraid of the social services: "A little before the eviction I went round to ask some questions, but they told me that the children could end up in a foster home and my grandmother in a residence, so I ran out of there," she says. Schooling for her three children costs 320 euros a month.
The stress of the last few weeks has taken its toll on the eldest daughter, who tried to hit the journalists. "We tried to prevent them from seeing the eviction, but when the eldest came home from school, she found all her little things on the street and she got scared," says Azucena. "We told her the old house broke and that's why we're in the new one." For now, the "new house" is the family's only hope. "Who can pay 800 euros in rent? We certainly can't," says Azucena.
Her grandmother, who is following the conversation, is furious. "Never in my life did I think I'd be in this situation; we look like circus people, jumping around like this. I'm not used to it. What are my friends going to say?"
"I always thought Spain had universal healthcare"
Paula S. was in shock the day she found out she had no health insurance. This 33-year-old from Catalonia went to a public primary health center in Madrid to apply for a "displaced persons" card, meant for regular residents of a different region. There, she was told that she was no longer on the social security rolls.
"I hadn't worked for a while, I'd been studying in Madrid, and during this time my unemployment checks ran out," she explains. Paula remembers getting angry at the center workers. Didn't Spain have universal healthcare? Well, yes... and no. "I asked them a million questions. I just couldn't believe or understand it."
The workers told her to go check with the social security offices, but said if her unemployment checks had run out, it would be pretty useless. The simplest solution, they recommended, was to sign herself up as a dependent on a relative's health card.
"So that's what I did. Ten years after moving out of my parents' house, I signed up as my father's dependent."
Although Paula may think of her case as unique, there are growing numbers of people in the same situation: individuals out of a job whose checks have run out; members of professional associations such as lawyers or architects, who contribute to mutual aid societies instead; self-employed workers who stop contributing because of insufficient revenues (especially small business owners hard hit by the crisis) and people who never contributed to the social security system to begin with. According to Social Security, there are around 300,000 citizens in this situation. A year ago, the Health Ministry was talking about 200,000. The rise is influenced by the growing proportion of former employees who ran out of unemployment checks, which reached a historic high last week: 32.3 percent of people who once held a job. Right now, 1.35 million people lack unemployment coverage, yet not all of them lack public medical assistance. Many of them get some sort of regional subsidy, or else are listed as dependents on a relative's health card.
On January 1, 2012, the General Public Health Law will finally extend healthcare to the long-term unemployed, at a cost of 100 million euros. But until then, people who have fallen through the cracks have three options: apply for a special card for people without means, sign up as a dependent, or pay for their own healthcare and prescription drugs.
The latter option was recommended to Mercedes Amaral, a Galicia woman who suffers from depression. But it is an "impossible" option for this 28-year-old unemployed waitress who ran out of checks a year ago. "In early November I tried to make an appointment with the doctor, and I was told that my health card had been blocked for weeks," she says. "They said I could have the first appointment for free, but after that I would have to pay."
Amaral went straight to the patient help desk to file a complaint. Many days and lots of red tape later, she was told to request a special card for people who make less than 7,000 euros a year. That card did not come until Friday, which means she was a month without coverage, paying for her own medication.
During this time, the Galician health service has denied that it blocked her card, or that of other people in her situation. On Friday, the regional premier of Galicia, Alberto Núñez Feijóo of the Popular Party, said it might all be a result of a certain "lack of coordination" between regional authorities and the Labor Ministry.
But the origin of the conflict that is leaving thousands of people out of the system goes back 25 years. Despite reforms that saw public healthcare financed through taxes, not social security contributions, the system - now managed at the regional level - retained the old link. Thus, the right to healthcare continues to depend on whether one contributes to social security, not on citizenship or legal residency. In 1990, a reform enabled people with incomes below a certain level (currently around 7,000 euros a year) to be eligible for a special health card. But that still left out thousands.
The oversight will be partly corrected next month, a delay that was termed "incomprehensible" by José Manuel Freire, an instructor at the National Health School and the Basque health commissioner between 1987 and 1991. "There had been talk of making up for this shortfall since 1990 and they're doing it now, when the numbers of unemployed people without coverage can be counted by the thousands," he criticizes. And then again, on January 1 not everyone will be included. For instance, liberal professionals who contribute to mutual aid societies will have to wait until June, and even then they might have to accept a co-payment system.
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