The other Guatemala stands up for democracy

Bernardo Arévalo, a calm and composed academic, holds a degree in sociology from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and a doctorate in social anthropology from Utrecht University in the Netherlands. Elected as president of Guatemala in August, Arévalo is set to take the oath of office on January 14. However, this unusually long period between election and inauguration has created an opportunity for conspiracies and dark forces aimed at preventing him from assuming the position that he rightfully earned with an overwhelming majority of votes.

Having an academic presiding over Guatemala who speaks to the public with scholarly eloquence instead of the usual corrupt demagoguery will seem like a dramatic plot twist for the country if the coup his adversaries have orchestrated fails. After all, his predecessors include the likes of President Alejandro Giammattei, whose main accomplishment was his brief tenure as the head of Guatemala’s prison system. Before him was Jimmy Morales, an unfunny TV comedian turned populist politician. And let’s not forget the cast of bloodthirsty generals, including Efraín Rios Montt, the self-proclaimed prophet of the evangelical Church of the Word who was later convicted of genocide and crimes against humanity.

In Guatemala, the exercise of power has been characterized by a persistent disregard for the rule of law, the spurious management of the country’s institutions, and the unjust imprisonment of journalists like Rubén Zamora, director of El Periódico. Moreover, there is a troubling pattern of persecution against judges, prosecutors and human rights attorneys dedicated to fulfilling their legal duties, often resulting in their forced exile. Power is furtively wielded in Guatemala by a feudal clan bound together by an infamous “pact of corruption.” It’s an alliance of aging, avaricious oligarchs, ruthless crime bosses and retired military men with long careers of brutal repression.

In their efforts to prevent Arévalo from taking office, the clan has resorted to all sorts of brazenly crude tactics. Their main weapons are prosecutors Consuelo Porras and Rafael Curruchiche, and a judge named Fredy Orellana — all three have been sanctioned by the U.S. government. Their attacks included suspending Arévalo’s Seed Movement political party, seizing ballot boxes and interfering with the electoral process. Meanwhile, the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court of Justice floundered to react and even colluded with the leadership of the National Congress in these anti-democracy maneuvers.

The president-elect’s chances of taking office would be very low if not for the mobilization of the forgotten and marginalized people of Guatemala. The Indigenous Mayan, Quiché and Cachiquel communities (60% of the population), historically subjected to oppression, discrimination and extermination campaigns like the one Ríos Montt directed in the 1980s, have stepped up as the saviors of Guatemala’s democracy.

The Assembly of Authorities of People in Resistance, comprising 22 Indigenous representatives from the nation’s 48 cantons, has summoned their people to Guatemala City to defend democracy. In a display of peaceful protest, thousands have flooded the streets, blocking roads, and organizing sit-ins outside the Public Prosecutor’s Office and the courts. Their unified demand is simple — respect the Constitution — and has garnered widespread support from students, labor unions, market vendors and large swaths of the middle class.

Traditionally, Indigenous authorities have been entrusted with the responsibility of ensuring peace and well-being within their communities. They oversee the proper use of communal lands, safeguard forests and water sources, and take care of the streets and cemeteries. However, in recent years, they have taken on a new role as champions of resistance, opposing laws that threaten the environment or grant immunity to military perpetrators of genocide. Now, they have emerged as defenders of democracy, demanding recognition of the duly elected president’s victory and calling for the removal of judicial officials who take part in the “pact of corruption.”

Spokespersons from the far-right organizations prevalent in the “pact of corruption” spout racist claims that “hordes of wild Indians have descended upon the capital.” But the leader of the Juchanep Indigenous community has firmly stood his ground, declaring, “We are here out of moral obligation. We do not represent mere power, but true authority. We will not allow Guatemala to fall prey to a de facto government imposed on us.”

If, on January 14, president-elect Bernardo Arévalo successfully takes hold of the power given to him by the people’s vote — and we should trust that he will — it will be a testament to the indomitable spirit of the other Guatemala, the Indigenous majority who have steadfastly resisted with an authority that transcends mere power.

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